Introduction
Across Africa’s conflict zones, including Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the Central African Republic (CAR), and many more, the bodies of women and girls are used as weapons of war.1 In these conflict zones, sexual violence has become a weapon of war wielded to humiliate, displace, dominate, and destroy.2 According to the 2024 UNICEF report, over 79 million girls and women, more than one in five across sub-Saharan Africa, have been subjected to rape or sexual assault before reaching the age of 18.3
Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War
The prevalence of sexual violence in armed conflicts and its systematic and widespread use against civilian populations led many scholars to formulate the concept that underscores the strategic use of sexual violence as a “weapon of war”.4 The framework explores how sexual violence becomes a viable part of the military strategy directly employed by armed groups to achieve political and military objectives.5
When used as a strategic systemic tool of war, sexual violence can lead to cultural destruction. While most violence in conflict is inflicted to kill the enemy, sexual violence is usually perpetrated not only to cause physical wounds and humiliation, but also to help destroy the opposing culture.6 The damage to cultural and community life caused by the sexual violence in warfare can persist for generations.7 Long-term psychological damage and ongoing suffering mean that such violence affects not only the immediate victims but also their family, children, and grandchildren.8
Early International Jurisprudence and the Marginalisation of Sexual Violence
During the Nuremberg Trials and the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal, which were established to prosecute German and Japanese leaders for war crimes following the Allies’ victory in the Second World War, there were substantial records of sexual violence committed during the war. Despite this, gender-based crimes received little attention in the final judgement. In Tokyo proceedings in particular, the systematic rape and sexual enslavement carried out by the Japanese Imperial Army against as many as 200,000 former “comfort women” was wholly ignored.9 Crimes against women and girls were perpetrated by actors across both Europe and Asia.10 However, because waging war was considered the supreme crime, the tribunals focused primarily on prosecuting crimes against peace and broader crimes against humanity rather than addressing crimes committed specifically or disproportionately against women and girls.11
Defining Conflict‑Related Sexual Violence in International Criminal Law
In the late 20th century, there was an explosive development in recognising and prosecuting gender crimes.12 The United Nations established the Yugoslav Tribunal (ICTY), which was the first court to recognise forced sexual intercourse as a genocide.13 The tribunal found that rape may constitute genocide when it is deliberately inflicted on a group in a way that brings about the group’s physical destruction, in whole or in part.14 Further, it prosecuted rape as a crime against humanity and a war crime.15
In 1994, a genocide raged in Rwanda between April 7 and mid-July, during which some 700,000 men, women, and children were systematically slaughtered, and hundreds of thousands of others were tortured, raped, and sexually enslaved, among other violent acts.16 This led the UN Security Council to establish the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) to punish war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.17 The Akayesu judgement (ICTR, 1998) was the first time an international criminal tribunal articulated a formal legal definition of rape.18 The definition was stated as a physical invasion of a sexual nature, committed on a person under coercive circumstances.19
Since there is no universal definition of rape, tribunals have developed their own definitions with their jurisprudence.20 The statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) contains its own definition of rape as a sexual penetration, however slight, of any part of the body of the victim or perpetrator with a sexual organ, or of the anal or genital opening of the victim with any object or any other part of the body.21 Sexual violence, on the other hand, can be defined as an act of a sexual nature that does not necessarily require penetration, which allows a broader application of the protection.22 Acts falling under the scope can take various forms, such as forced prostitution, indecent assault, sexual slavery, forced public nudity, sexual harassment, and mutilation of the sexual organ.23
Sexual and Gender-Based Violence Today
Sudan
Armed groups have used rape and sexual slavery as a tactic of war across the country for nearly five years.24 According to reports, sexual violence in Sudan is used to humiliate, dominate, disperse, forcibly relocate, and terrify the entire population.25 Sudan’s civil war between its army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has led to famine and claims of genocide in western Darfur.26 In some instances, women have been raped in front of relatives or abducted for prolonged sexual violence.27 There have been cases of women taking their own lives following traumatic assault, noting that survivors are increasingly and openly contemplating suicide as a means of escaping the ongoing horrors of the conflict.28 Communities in areas with active conflict are increasingly practising child marriage and female genital mutilation (FGM), a procedure involving partial or total removal of the female external genitalia or other procedures on the female genital organs for non-medical reasons, because they believe these practises protect girls from sexual violence and rape.29
Democratic Republic of Congo
Human rights organisations have documented sexual violence by members of at least five non-state armed groups, including the Rwandan-backed M23 and the Congolese army in the eastern Congo.30 The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) reported over 80,000 cases of rape in eastern Congo between January and September of 2025.31 At the same time, cuts to international aid by the United States government have left thousands of survivors of sexual violence without access to emergency healthcare and essential support services.32 Many survivors who contracted HIV or became pregnant are left without critical care, as hospitals across eastern Congo face severe shortages of post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) kit supplies that have previously been largely provided through US-funded programmes.33
Central African Republic
Armed groups have used rape and sexual slavery as a tactic of war across the country during nearly five years of conflict.34 Human Rights Watch documented incidents where survivors were raped by 10 or more men during a single incident. During the attacks, fighters whipped women and girls, tied them up, burnt them, and threatened them.35 Survivors reported injuries ranging from broken bones and mashed teeth to internal injuries and head trauma.36 Fighters often rape women and girls in front of their children and other family members, forcing survivors to witness the assault of their daughters, mothers, and loved ones, as well as the killing or mutilation of their husbands.37
The majority of the documented abuses constitute crimes under Central African law and amount to crimes against humanity. Yet not a single member of any armed group has been arrested or held accountable for these atrocities.38
Ethiopia – Tigray
Between 2020 and 2022, Ethiopia fought a war with militants from the northernmost region of Tigray, then under the control of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front.39 The war formally ended in November 2022, but Tigray was left in ruins, and its capital was turned over to the federal government.40 Tens of thousands of Tigrayan women reported wartime abuse by the Eritrean soldiers, such as gang rape and the insertion of objects into their uteruses.41 One survivor told The Guardian that after being gang-raped by six soldiers, doctors later found eight rusty screws, a pair of steel nail clippers, and a handwritten note wrapped in plastic inside her body.42 Because medical facilities were often inaccessible and the stigma surrounding rape discouraged many women from seeking care, some survivors live with these foreign objects for up to two years before receiving treatment. 43
The end of open fighting has not brought safety, recovery, or dignity for many women in Tigray.44 The women in Tigray continue to carry the effects of war in their bodies, in their minds and in their daily lives. Many women lack the support needed to recover from the brutal violence they endured during the war.45 For some, the psychological toll is so severe that survival itself becomes a daily struggle.46 One survivor speaks openly about the depth of her pain, admitting that she often thinks of ending her life. Yet, despite this despair, she holds on to one enduring desire: that justice be served and those responsible be held accountable, believing that only then might she find a sense of happiness.47 Despite efforts by international actors and some national authorities, no meaningful justice has yet been achieved for women in Tigray.48
Barriers
The situations explained in the previous section are just some of the cases, alongside all the other regional and international conflicts where civilians fall victim to unimaginable sexual violence. Even after the fact that international law has evolved and the jurisprudence has grown, one fact remains. Despite increased political attention and subsequent UN resolutions, the commitment lags far behind.49 The widespread dimensions of sexual violence in conflict settings mean that most perpetrators escape justice, and the overwhelming majority of crimes are not redressed.50
Across conflict, wartime sexual violence often carries a deep and devastating stigma.51 Sexual violence that occurs during conflict is particularly difficult to document and investigate. 52Survivors often report to health facilities late or not at all. The capacity and competence of healthcare workers to handle cases of sexual violence vary dramatically even within a single region.53 Thus, particularly in rural areas, providers are often unable to collect medic-legal evidence.54
The act of officially reporting in national courts can be very complicated with major psychological, political and socio-economic hurdles.55 The issue is further complicated when accused perpetrators are part of the government in power, which often effectively controls judicial proceedings, for instance, in the DRC.
Things are not necessarily better at the international level either. The ICTY and ICTR faced various challenges that severely affected their competence and ability to bring justice to victims of wartime sexual violence.56 Scholars have criticised the tribunals for the fact that only a handful of individuals associated with the heinous crimes have been brought to justice, while thousands of actual perpetrators enjoy impunity.57 Moreover, most of the arrest warrants issued by the tribunals have been ignored by the subsequent countries.58 The criticism also came from the tribunal’s failures to reach an acceptable standard of protection for victims, following numerous reports by human rights activists and the media documenting the killings and intimidation of victims and witnesses who cooperated with tribunal personnel.59
It is also important to understand that criminal accountability does not always and necessarily constitute the preferred justice avenue for all survivors; some victims advocate for a more immediate form of support, healing, and redress.60 This preference often reflects the institutional shortcomings and inconsistencies of criminal trials and retributive proceedings to provide accountability for wartime sexual violence.61
Conclusion
Sexual and gender-based violence in conflict is not an incidental by-product of war, rather it is often a deliberate, calculated strategy used to terrorise, control and dismantle communities. As seen with conflict throughout the continent, these acts are widespread, systematic, and devastating in both their immediate and intergenerational impact. While international law has evolved to recognise rape and other forms of sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity and even acts of genocide, the gap between legal recognition and actual accountability remains stark.
The persistence of impunity, compounded by stigma, weak judicial systems, and political barriers, ensures that survivors are denied justice, support, and dignity. At the same time, the scale of the crisis, without meaningful enforcement of the international legal framework, sustained political will, and survivor-centred responses, means these atrocities will continue to be weaponised in conflicts across the globe.
Addressing sexual violence in conflicts requires more than legal acknowledgement; it demands concrete action. This includes strengthening accountability mechanisms, investing in survivor support systems, and challenging harmful societal norms. Strong political will, and pivotal legislative and policy changes are crucial in preventing conflict-related sexual violence and fostering lasting recovery.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
International Criminal Court, ‘The Definitions of Crimes of Sexual Violence’ <http://www.iccwomen.org/resources/crimesdefinition.html> accessed 28 March 2026.
Natasha Booty, Farouk Chothia and Wedaeli Chibelushi, ‘DR Congo Conflict: The Women and Girls Suffering Sexual Violence’ (BBC News, 21 February 2024) < https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cjel2nn22z9o > accessed 24 March 2026.
Human Rights Center, University of California, Berkeley School of Law, The Long Road: Accountability for Sexual Violence in Conflict and Post-Conflict Settings (2015)
Human Rights Watch, ‘Central African Republic: Sexual Violence as Weapon of War’ (5 October 2017) < https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/10/05/central-african-republic-sexual-violence-weapon-war> accessed 27 March 2026.
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Human Rights Watch, ‘Ethiopia: Atrocities Mar Ceasefire Anniversary’ (2 November 2023) < https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/11/02/ethiopia-atrocities-mar-ceasefire-anniversary > accessed 28 March 2026.
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Kathleen D Askin, A Decade of the Development of Gender Crimes in International Courts and Tribunals: 1993–2003 (United States Institute of Peace 2003).
Sarah Miller, ‘Women’s Bodies Were the Battleground: Survivors Left Behind amid Tigray’s Uncertain Peace’ (Refugees International, 2023) <https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports-briefs/womens-bodies-were-the-battleground-survivors-left-behind-amid-tigrays-uncertain-peace/ > accessed 28 March 2026.
Philipp Schulz, Accountability for Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (UN Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, 24 February 2022).
Smith SL, ‘Beyond the Weapon of War: Rethinking Gendered Narratives of Conflict‑Related Sexual Violence’ (Princeton School of Public and International Affairs, 2023) < https://jpia.princeton.edu/news/beyond-weapon-war-rethinking-gendered-narratives-conflict-related-sexual-violence > accessed 28 March 2026.
Tess McClure, ‘Rusted Screws, Metal Spikes and Plastic Rubbish: The Horrific Sexual Violence Used against Tigray’s Women’ (The Guardian, 30 June 2025) < https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2025/jun/30/sexual-violence-tigray-women-abuse-gang-rape-ethiopia-eritrea > accessed 24 March 2026.
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