INTRODUCTION
Press freedom in Indonesia, once regarded as one of the most vibrant in Southeast Asia, is facing escalating threats. Recent incidents–including violent attacks on journalists covering protests, intimidation tactics against media outlets such as Tempo Magazine, and the misuse of legal frameworks to silence critics–raise serious concerns about the erosion of democratic principles. Between August 2024 and March 2025 alone, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) documented multiple cases of police violence against journalists after the election, while the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) condemned the harassment of Tempo Magazine through grotesque intimidation methods, including the delivery of severed pig heads and rats to their office (ABC News, 2025; CPJ, 2025; RSF, 2025).
This article examines whether Indonesia’s legal and political movements complies with international human rights standards on press freedom, particularly the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and Indonesia’s constitutional guarantees. It also analyses the systemic challenges undermining media independence, including weak law enforcement, politicised legal instruments, and a culture of impunity for attacks on journalists.
INTERNATIONAL LEGAL FRAMEWORK ON PRESS FREEDOM
The UDHR, though not legally binding, contains the principles acknowledged as customary in nature (Şener, 2021). In other words, the UDHR serves as a foundational framework. Stemming from the UN General Assembly Resolution 217 A (III) on December 10th, 1948 the document has later shaped major human rights treaties, including those addressing racial discrimination, gender equality, disability rights, and the protection of children (Özler, 2018). In this context, the UDHR reinforces the right to freedom of opinion and expression in Article 19, which comprises the freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
Indonesia is a state party to subsequent key international treaties that safeguard press freedom, including the ICCPR, which under Article 19 guarantees the right to freedom of expression and the press. In its General Comment No. 34, the UN Human Rights Committee has clarified that Article 19 of the ICCPR encompasses, among others, the right to political discourse and journalism. It also emphasised that restrictions on media freedom must be narrowly defined and necessary in a democratic society, a standard Indonesia’s broad and ambiguous laws often fail to meet.
Article 19(3) of ICCPR stipulates the restrictions shall be provided by law and are necessary: (a) for the respect of the rights or reputation of others; (b) for the protection of national security or of public order, or of public health or morals.
Despite these obligations, Indonesia’s compliance remains inconsistent. For instance, the 2025 attacks covering protests against the military law revision–where police allegedly targeted reporters–was a violation of the freedom of opinion and expression regulated in UDHR and ICCPR. It is plausible for the police to restrain some individuals throwing Molotov cocktails and attempting to break into the parliament building (The Jakarta Post, 2025). However, the necessity of maintaining public order became questionable when journalists were getting attacked (as seen from bruises on them) and getting denied legal assistance (The Strait Times, 2025). If the government fails to investigate these abuses, this may suggest a systematic disregard for its international commitments.
DOMESTIC LEGAL FRAMEWORK
Articles 28E(3) and 28F of Indonesia’s 1945 Constitution protects freedom of expression along with the right to obtain and disseminate information. Law No. 40 of 1999 on the Press further guarantees journalistic independence, prohibiting censorship, and ensuring the right to seek and disseminate information. However, these protections are undermined by regressive laws such as Law No. 11 of 2008 on Electronic Information and Transactions Law as recently amended by Law No. 1 of 2024 (EIT Law), which has been used to criminalise critical reporting under defamation and hate speech provisions instead.
The recent intimidation of Tempo Magazine highlights the gap between legal promises and reality. While the Press Law condemns violence against journalists and ensures their legal protection, authorities have not prosecuted the perpetrators, reflecting the possibility of systemic impunity. With authorities failing to protect journalists from violence, there is an indication that the incidents following the military law revision could amount to a breach of both domestic law and Indonesia’s international legal obligations.
FACTORS HINDERING FREEDOM OF PRESS AND JOURNALIST SAFETY
Despite international law and constitutional guarantees, journalists in Indonesia operate in an increasingly hostile environment. These factors stem from legal harassment, institutional bias, and socio-political pressures. Such barriers undermine the press freedom as the “fourth pillar” of democracy (after legislature, executive, and judiciary), which serves as the platform for the people to deliver their aspirations, to form public opinion, to influence state policies, and to act as social control (Muslimin, et. al., 2025).
The hostile treatment in response to the protesting groups can also be linked to the possible infringement on the right of peaceful assembly under Article 20 of UDHR and Article 21 of ICCPR.
First, the EIT Law has been weaponised to criminalise critical reporting, with defamation charges increasingly used to silence journalists (Thomson Reuters Foundation, 2023). This aligns with the idea that the press’ social control function is “degraded due to power dynamics” (Muslimin, et. al., 2025). For instance, the 2025 attacks on journalists covering anti-military law protests, where reporters became targets of police violence, reflects a broader pattern of impunity. Hence, not only is the law used against the journalists, but also the enforcers have become the perpetrators of such violence. This pattern perpetuates a cycle of violence and self-censorship in Indonesia’s media.
Another factor related to structural issues would be the institutional bias, which further exacerbates the problem. Law enforcement agencies often dismiss journalists’ complaints or side with powerful actors. Vigilante acts are prone to happen when the reporters produce news or writings that are considered “alarming”, and these incidents are often resolved by journalists themselves instead of going through legal procedures (Syafriadi & Syafrinaldi, 2020). This shows how even journalists, as victims, would have to deal with the abuses by themselves because of the distrust and incompetence of the law enforcement when it comes to cases involving the press. This also means that the lack of accountability signals to perpetrators that attacks on the press will go without consequences.
IMPACT ON DEMOCRACY AND PUBLIC DISCOURSE
The decline of press freedom has far-reaching consequences for Indonesia’s democracy. A weakened press undermines the “deliberative democracy model”, where informed public debate is essential for legitimising political decisions (Min, 2016). For example, sparse coverage of the 2025 military law protests is due to risks faced by journalists, limited public awareness, and scrutiny of government actions (The Jakarta Post, 2025). This prevents the press from performing its function as a medium for discussion to shape public opinion and motivate action.
Indonesia’s drop to 111th in RSF’s 2024 World Press Freedom Index reflects a broader democratic backsliding when it was ranked as 108th in 2023 (RSF, 2024). It is acknowledged that post-reformation era press freedom has improved in comparison to the New Order era (Muslimin, et. al., 2025). However, the press continues to face physical threats, imprisonment, and even murder, with their space starting to shrink even more after the latest presidential election.
CONCLUSION
Indonesia’s press freedom crisis stems from weak legal enforcement, politicised institutions, and a culture of impunity. Despite constitutional and international guarantees, journalists face violence, legal persecution, and economic coercion with little recourse. To reverse this decline, the investigation and prosecution must be conducted on the attacks against journalists, ensuring accountability for security forces. Additionally, the government should amend ambiguous provisions like articles criminalising defamation and hate speech in EIT Law to prevent the law from being used against press freedom. It is also important to strengthen protections for media independence by including transparency in ownership and funding.
The international community, including UN human rights bodies or even ASEAN mechanisms, could provide assistance or guidance for Indonesia to uphold its obligations. Without decisive action, the country’s hard-won democratic progress risks unravelling. Letting such early signs of authoritarianism may lead to dire consequences for Indonesia’s human rights and governance, jeopardising the livelihood of the people.
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