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The Sahrawi Question and Spain’s Recognition of Morocco’s Sovereignty

The conflict over Western Sahara, often described as Africa’s last unresolved colonial question, has its roots in Spain’s withdrawal from its former colony in 1975. For nearly a century, the territory was known as Spanish Sahara. The indigenous Sahrawi people, largely nomadic tribes with their own cultural and political identity, came under colonial administration until international pressure for decolonization mounted in the 1960s and 70s.

In 1975, as Spain prepared to exit the territory, the International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion. While it acknowledged certain historical links between Western Sahara and Morocco and Mauritania, the court concluded that these ties did not amount to sovereignty. Crucially, it affirmed the Sahrawi people’s right to self-determination. Despite this, Spain signed the Madrid Accords with Morocco and Mauritania, transferring administrative control without organizing the referendum promised by the United Nations. Soon after, Morocco advanced with the “Green March,” sending thousands of its citizens into the territory to reinforce its claim, while Mauritania assumed control of the southern section. The Polisario Front, a Sahrawi liberation movement supported by Algeria, declared the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic in exile and waged war against both neighbors. Mauritania withdrew in 1979, but Morocco quickly occupied the vacated land, tightening its hold over the majority of the territory.

By 1991, the United Nations brokered a ceasefire and created MINURSO, the mission tasked with organizing a referendum on self-determination. That vote has never taken place. Morocco insists that its proposal for broad autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty is the only realistic option, while the Polisario Front continues to demand the referendum with independence on the ballot. In practice, Morocco controls most of the territory, defended by a fortified sand wall, while the Polisario administers scattered “liberated zones” in the desert and maintains refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria.

Spain’s position has always been delicate. On paper, the UN still regards it as the administering power, even though it withdrew in 1975. For decades Spanish governments publicly supported a UN-sponsored solution that included the right to self-determination. Yet the relationship with Morocco has consistently weighed heavily on Madrid’s choices, given their shared borders, migration flows, counter-terrorism cooperation, and economic ties.

A turning point came in March 2022, when Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez sent a letter to King Mohammed VI describing Morocco’s autonomy plan as “the most serious, realistic and credible basis” for resolving the conflict. This diplomatic shift effectively placed Spain in alignment with Morocco’s preferred solution and marked a departure from its previous careful neutrality. Although Spain has not issued a formal declaration of full sovereignty recognition in legal terms, its endorsement of the autonomy framework under Moroccan sovereignty was received in Rabat as a major diplomatic victory.

The decision created sharp divisions within Spain. Supporters argued that it was a pragmatic move to stabilize relations with Morocco, particularly after years of crises over migration and borders in Ceuta and Melilla. Critics, however, accused Sánchez of abandoning Spain’s historical and legal responsibility to the Sahrawi people. Algeria, a firm backer of the Polisario Front, responded by downgrading diplomatic relations and freezing aspects of economic cooperation with Madrid.

For the Sahrawi population, Spain’s shift was a bitter blow. Many Sahrawis live in refugee camps in Algeria, where generations have grown up in exile awaiting the referendum promised more than three decades ago. In the Moroccan-controlled areas, human rights groups report restrictions on freedom of expression and association, and the autonomy plan is widely seen by Sahrawis as offering little more than administrative self-management without the possibility of independence.

Internationally, the United Nations continues to list Western Sahara as a non-self-governing territory. The ICJ’s opinion on self-determination has not been overturned, and the Security Council has not endorsed Morocco’s sovereignty. Yet diplomatic trends are shifting. Countries like the U.S. in 2020 and Spain have tilted toward Morocco’s vision.

The Sahrawi issue thus remains suspended between law and geopolitics. Legally, the right to self-determination endures as a principle affirmed by the UN and international courts. Politically, Morocco’s control of the land, backed by a growing number of influential allies, makes independence increasingly unlikely. Spain, once the colonial ruler and now a crucial player in Mediterranean stability, has moved from formal impartiality to a position that implicitly accepts Moroccan sovereignty. Whether this realignment will eventually bring resolution to one of the world’s longest unresolved conflicts, or instead deepen the sense of abandonment among the Sahrawi people, remains an open question.

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