INTRODUCTION
Bangladeshi feminism can be understood within a broad context of South Asian feminism. It traces back to the British colonial period (1757-1947 – first wave), the Pakistan period (1947-1971– second wave) and the post-1971 independence (third wave) (Jahan, 1995, p. 90). The ‘Woman question’ was historically a part of Bangladesh’s nation-making process, with Bengali women at the forefront of national self-determination and the formation of a unified national identity (Azim et al., 2009). Feminist movements in South Asia evolved into somewhat similar agendas. However, while women’s movements in Bangladesh and India emerged in response to nationalist and later neoliberalist challenges (Roy, 2012, p. 7), those in Pakistan and Afghanistan arose primarily in opposition to religious fundamentalism (Jha & Kurian, 2018, p. 2).
Feminist development in Bangladesh represents one of the key examples of the intersection between gender and nationalism, where women’s rights remain a cultural and national battleground up until today. It builds upon the legacies of colonialism and the struggle for self-determination, while also addressing contemporary challenges such as globalisation and individualised approaches to female empowerment. Nazneen (2017, p. 1) distinguishes between political and development feminism in South Asia, where political feminism represents an “oppositional social movement”, while development feminism is “more reform-oriented, stressing engagement with the state”. The boundaries between the two are blurry in Bangladesh, given the simultaneous and overlapping nature of feminist activism.
This article traces the ideological evolution of feminist waves in Bangladesh throughout history. It evaluates contemporary dynamics, including the challenges faced by feminist movements such as neoliberal development policies, increasing conservative backlashes and problems connected to digital activism.
-
A SHORT HISTORY OF BANGLADESHI FEMINISM
1.1 FIRST WAVE – BRITISH COLONIAL RULE (1757-1947)
The first wave of Bengali feminism traces back to the British colonial period (1757-1947) when Bengal formed a part of British India. Colonial rule, being patriarchal in nature, had negative effects on the long-term development of women’s rights. Colonial rule influenced social reformation movements and reformed property rights, women’s political participation, inheritance rights and access to healthcare in ways that have restricted women’s freedoms and laid grounds to patriarchal practices that persist to this day (Rodon, 2023).
Women’s rights were largely shaped by the struggle between traditionalist and modernist elites dominated by Hindu (or Brahmo) and some Muslim social leaders in Bengal (Nazneen, 2017, p. 5). For the traditionalists, women’s identification with the domestic sphere was largely aimed at preserving the traditional identity of the subjugated territories (Azim et al., 2009). The status of women as an inner, traditional part of society was protected and preserved from ‘colonial modernisation’ and kept in a domestic sphere, strengthening the ‘uniqueness’ of the Indigenous East against the “materially progressive” colonial forces (Saxena, 2014, pp. 32-35). On the contrary, modernist social reformers, inspired by Kemal Atatürk’s modernisation efforts in Turkey, encouraged progressive reforms such as female education, abolition of child marriage and infanticide, largely shaping the narratives around women’s rights and status during that period (Jahan, 1995; Nazneen, 2017, p. 5).
The first feminist movement involved urban middle-class and upper-class women in collaboration with the male elites, focusing on anti-colonial struggles, community welfare activities and literary work (Nazneen, 2017, p. 5). Crucially, the period highlights how narratives around ‘modernity’ versus ‘traditionalism’ led to the gradual geopolitisation of women’s rights and laid the ground for anti-colonial struggle through regulating women’s identity. This identity of “New Woman” was rooted in patriarchal practices that associated women with the domestic sphere and portrayed them as the “index of suitability” for self-governance (Saxena, 2014, pp. 34-35).
1.2 SECOND WAVE – PAKISTANI RULE (1947-1971)
The anti-colonial struggle resulted in India’s partition in 1947 and the creation of two states – India and Pakistan. Despite the shared religious identity, East Pakistan (current day Bangladesh) faced economic, political, and ethnic marginalisation from the West Pakistani elites, which contributed to growing disparities and the desire for further autonomy (Rodon, 2023, p. 19).
Under Pakistani rule, women’s movements became the main agents in the struggle for their rights. Women’s movements engaged in lobbying and advocacy through broad-based alliances, voluntary organisations, and women’s wings that addressed concerns across different social classes and locations (Nazneen, 2017, p. 6). Most notably, the All Pakistani Women’s Association (APWA), led by wives of government officials, created a broad-based alliance for the reformation of Muslim family laws, leading to the Muslim Family Law Ordinance (MFLO) in 1961 (Nazneen, 2017, p. 6). The ordinance restricted Muslim men’s unilateral powers in divorce and polygamy and established a legal minimum age for marriage (Monsoor, 1999; Hossain, 1994).
With the growing disparities against the Pakistani rule, female-led organisations became the biggest players in Bangladesh’s nation-making process. Organisations such as East Pakistan Women’s Council were involved in non-cooperation movements demanding the establishment of an independent, sovereign state with equal female representation (Chowdhury, 1998). Women also served as diplomats, fighters, messengers, and medical assistants during the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War (Bhuiyan & Dipu, 2020).
Despite the major contributions of women’s movements, female sexuality became a premise and the main battleground of Bangladesh’s self-determination. The systematic rape of Bengali women by the Pakistani army during the 1971 Bangladesh liberation war was a deliberate strategy to undermine Bengali national identity by targeting women’s bodies and sexual autonomy (Abid et. al 2024). Between 200, 000 to 400, 000 women and girls are estimated to have been raped during the 1971 Liberation War (Sharlach, 2000, p. 94) with approximately 25, 000 babies born as a result of wartime sexual violence (Takai, 2011, p. 396). The social stigma surrounding the victims was later challenged by naming them ‘Birangona’ or ‘war heroes’. However, many Birangoras faced profound shame and dishonour, leading some to suicide or flee to West Pakistan, as the “war babies” represented the threat to Bengali “cultural purity” and patriarchal nationalism (Takai, 2011, p. 396).
1.3 BANGLADESHI RULE, POST-1972 TO PRESENT
The third wave of Bangladeshi feminism emerged from Bangladesh’s independence after the 1971 liberation war. This period saw a shift towards Neoliberal feminist ideology with rising development-oriented projects. Feminist researchers and developmental organisations in the 1980s incorporated gender into academic training programs, working towards increased economic and political participation (Nazneen & Sultan, 2012). Feminist leaders were also involved in the rehabilitation of the victims of wartime sexual violence. The post-1971 feminism agenda was shaped by both the trauma of sexual violence and optimism for Bangladesh’s nation-building.
More broadly, the post-1972 period was marked by gradual democratisation processes with various legal revisions led by the state, NGOs and women’s groups aimed at improving women’s position in Bangladeshi society. The 1972 Bangladesh constitution created a strong foundation for gender equality, including provisions on women’s political and economic participation (Rodon, 2023, p. 20). Subsequent legal interventions included education initiatives, improvements in women’s working conditions, and empowerment efforts across various fields such as health, political representation through quota laws, and social safety measures addressing sexual and gender-based violence. (Rodon, 2023, p. 20).
However, the military dictatorships and the political alliances between Islamists and the dominant parties (Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party) since 1991 – made it hard for feminist issues to reach mainstream policy-making due to religious, conservative backlashes (Nazneen & Sultan, 2012, p. 90). Conservative backlashes intensified against NGOs conducting women’s rights training and advocating for family law reforms. However, opposition from these forces also spurred the formation of broader, solidarity-based coalitions among women’s organisations, helping to bridge the generational divide.
-
CONTEMPORARY CHALLENGES
2.1 INDIVIDUALISED DEVELOPMENTAL PROGRAMS
Feminist movements in Bangladesh struggle to balance between constraints of religious conservative backlash, where they are often seen as ‘Western imports’ – while also avoiding too much reliance on neoliberal, developmental agendas and donor funding that depoliticise local issues (Akter & Nazneen, 2014). Nazneen and Sultan (2012, p. 87) identify the two biggest challenges to contemporary feminism in Bangladesh – “NGO-isation” and the “generational shift in the feminist movements”. With the move towards neoliberal policies and expansion of developmental projects in the 1980s, NGO-isation appeared to be a double-edged sword in Bangladesh’s feminist discourse that provided both opportunities and shortcomings for women’s groups. The process has yielded positive outcomes, including increased employment opportunities and providing necessary funding for women’s groups, especially those based on voluntary membership (Nazneen & Sultan, 2012, pp. 88-90). Furthermore, NGO-isation established hierarchy, expanded access to important policy-making domains and promoted better outreach.
However, critics have acknowledged its shortcomings. The institutionalisation of feminism within NGOs has created overreliance on donor funding and contributed to a generational divide among feminist activists (Nazneen & Sultan, 2012). While the feminist movements of the 1970s prioritise “movement-oriented” collective mobilisation, younger members choose more professionalised, “development-oriented projects” (p. 98). Reliance on external funding not only depoliticizes women’s collective struggles, but also aligns programs with donor preferences and creates instability due to funding shortages. These processes tend to impact small, local-level organisations more than nationwide ones, making them particularly vulnerable to the drawbacks of NGO-isation (p. 104).
Incorporating women’s issues into a broader developmental agenda further reinforces the historical exclusion of indigenous, minority, working-class women, and LGBTQIA+ communities by promoting universalised women’s experiences and individualistic feminist frameworks. While NGO-isation provides an opportunity for funding, visibility and access to policy-making, it also limits the scope of feminist resistance by reinforcing the neoliberal model of feminism, which fails to dismantle patriarchal norms and commodifies economic development rather than fostering mobilisation for deeper structural changes (Nazneen & Sultan, 2012; Jha & Kurian, 2018). The process also takes away the autonomous nature of developing a feminist agenda rooted in local needs (Jha & Kurian, 2018, p. 3).
2.2 DIGITAL ACTIVISM
One of the ways to navigate through increased conservative backlashes and financial constraints is digital activism or ‘cyberfeminism’. In the era of increased digitalisation, cyberfeminism has emerged as a powerful tool for feminist groups to mobilise, share information, raise awareness of women’s rights, and challenge patriarchal norms on a broader scale. The digital space also allows many women, burdened with household responsibilities, work, or other constraints, to access online support groups, raise awareness about women’s issues and foster inclusivity. Over the last decade, the push to build a ‘digital Bangladesh’ has significantly expanded technological advancements, creating more opportunities for female empowerment and engagement, especially in rural areas of Bangladesh (Kabir, 2018; Islam and Slack, 2016).
The #MetooBangladesh movement, organised in 2018, is a notable example of an online campaign against sexual harassment, where numerous Bangladeshi survivors of sexual violence shared their personal experiences on social platforms in solidarity with the worldwide campaign. #MetooBangladesh created a powerful platform for women to raise their voices against dominant patriarchal power structures and foster a culture of confidence and courage by openly sharing stories and experiences. The platform also received huge media attention with press conferences, round-tables and human chains formed in order to condemn sexism and rape culture in Bangladeshi society (Iftakhar, 2020).
Nevertheless, the digital space also comes with its constraints. Cyberspace often becomes a battleground of hostile opinions, misogyny and cybercrime. Reports also indicate that 80% of the surveyed victims are women and girls aged between 14 and 22 (Parvin and Tushar, 2023). The numbers rose during the 2024 July Revolution with targeted attacks, particularly on female activists, politicians and women in power (Hossain, 2025). Fatema’s (2023, p. 53) study on cyberharassment indicates that perpetrators target cis-heteropatriarchal female activists, particularly marginalised women, indigenous communities and LGBTQIA+ allies to suppress and silence their advocacy efforts and sustain male dominance through derogatory comments and moral policing. They also portray activists as ‘bad’ women and dehumanise them using religious justifications (p. 41). Women also become victims of stalking, non-consensual sharing of private information, and character assassinations (damaging reputation), resulting in increased levels of depression, social isolation, and anxiety (Amin, 2023). Activists further indicates that, Western society’s support systems make it easy for women to speak about their experiences, whereas such openness about ‘sex’ conflicts with local cultural norms in Bangladesh, leading to the policing of their remote activism and framing it as a ‘Western import’ (Moitra et al., 2020; Fatema, 2023).
According to the Action Aid (2022) report, only 15 percent of women filed formal complaints against online harassment, while 64,71 percent either did not receive any redressal or lacked confidence in the effectiveness of legal measures (28.87 percent). Victims also struggle with social stigma and victim blaming in reporting such acts. The existing legal frameworks in Bangladesh have serious loopholes that constrain women from reporting and investigating cyberattacks. The Digital Security Act (2018), established to address cybercrime and related offences, remains ineffective as it prioritises political censorship over digital safety and is particularly misused against activists, journalists and politicians (Ataulla & Yıldırım, 2021). The lack of specialised cybercrime training for police officers, coupled with the complexity of digital evidence and broader general stigma around sexual violence, makes it challenging for women to take action against such offences (Siddiqua, 2024).
Orange the World 2018 – Bangladesh. 16-day campaign to raise awareness of violence against women and support #HearMeToo. Source: © UN Women/Fahad Kaizer via Flickr, 2018.
CONCLUSION
Feminism in Bangladesh has evolved through historical struggles against colonialism, national self-determination, and conservative backlashes, yet contemporary feminist movements still face significant challenges. While the NGO-isation has provided necessary funding and developmental projects for women, it also depoliticised feminist activism and sidelined intersectional concerns. Digital activism also emerges as an important opportunity for feminist mobilisation; however, legal loopholes fail to protect women from violence in cyberspace, as the dominant power structures in Bangladesh still remain favourable for men.
Importantly, emerging decolonial, intersectional, and anti-patriarchal feminist manifestos are being developed by both established and emerging feminist organisations in Bangladesh. Feminist leaders of the July Revolution are advancing these agendas in order to increase female participation and challenge the deeply entrenched patriarchal norms in the country. Historical reevaluation of feminist contributions, alongside the inclusion of diverse and marginalised voices, remains essential for fostering a broad-based and inclusive feminist movement, particularly during this transitional period Bangladesh is currently undergoing.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ABID, F. A., LEHNER, W., & Przybyszewska, M. (2024). Women’s roles in the 1971 Bangladesh Genocide.
ActionAid Bangladesh. (2022). Research findings: Online violence against women in Bangladesh [Report].
Akter, M., & Nazneen, S. (2014). Inclusive democracy: Engendering political parties. The State of Governance Report: Bangladesh 2013.
Alverez, S. (1998). Advocating feminism: the latin american feminist NGO “Boom. Paper apresentado no Fouth Annual Schomburg-Moreno Lecture. Mount Holyoke College, South Hadley.
Amin, R. (2023). Causes and Consequences of Cyberbullying Against Women in Bangladesh: A Comprehensive Study. Salasika, 6(2), 127-145.
Ataulla, M., & Yıldırım, B. (2021). The digital security act 2018 and the obstacles to freedom of speech and freedom of media in Bangladesh. Atatürk İletişim Dergisi, (Özel Sayı), 69-92. Available at: https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol21/iss2/11
Azim, F., Menon, N., & Siddiqi, D. M. (2009). Negotiating new terrains: South Asian feminisms. Feminist Review, 91(1), 1-8.
Azim, F. (2005). Feminist struggles in Bangladesh. Feminist Review, 80(1), 194-197.
Bhuiyan, S. K., & Dipu, T. A. (2020). The Participation of women in the Liberation War of Bangladesh in 1971: A Historical Analysis. American Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Research (AJHSSR), 4(8), 215-224.
Fatema, U. K. (2023). Tracing the footprints of digital aggression: an ethnographic journey into cyber harassment against female activists in Bangladesh (Doctoral dissertation, Brac University).
Hossain, S. (1994). Equality in the home: Women’s rights and personal laws in South Asia. Cook 1994d, 465-95.
Hossain, T. H. (2025, March 8). New ways of suppressing and oppressing women: Is there no way out? Prothomalo. https://en.prothomalo.com/opinion/p4w1j0dc71
Iftakhar, S. (2020). # Me too in Bangladesh: can you change?. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 21(2), 126-142.
Interview with Matia Chowdhury (1998, October 3).
Islam, M. K., & Slack, F. (2016). Women in rural Bangladesh: Empowered by access to mobile phones. In Proceedings of the 9th International Conference on Theory and Practice of Electronic Governance (pp. 75-84).
Jha, S., & Kurian, A. (2018). New Feminisms in South Asia. New York, Routledge.
Jahan, R., (1995). Men in Purdah and Women in Public: Rokeya’s Dreams and Women’s Struggles in Bangladesh,’ in A.Basu. (Ed.), The Challenges of Local Feminisms: Women’s Movement in Global Perspective, Boulder: Westview press.
Kabir, N. (2018). Cyber crime a new form of violence against women: From the case study of Bangladesh. Available at SSRN 3153467.
Moitra, A., Hassan, N., Mandal, M. K., Bhuiyan, M., & Ahmed, S. I. (2020). Understanding the challenges for bangladeshi women to participate in# metoo movement. Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction, 4(GROUP), 1-25.
Monsoor, T. (1999). From patriarchy to gender equity: Family law and its impact on women in Bangladesh. (No Title).
Nazneen, S., & Sultan, M. (2009). Struggling for Survival and Autonomy: Impact of NGO-ization on Women’s Organizations in Bangladesh. Development, 52(2), 193-199.
Nazneen, S., & Sultan, M. (2012). Contemporary feminist politics in Bangladesh: taking the bull by the horns. New South Asian Feminism: Paradoxes and Possibilities, 87-107.
Nazneen, S. (2017). The Women’s Movement in Bangladesh. A Short History and Current Debates. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Dhaka.
Parvin, R. A., & Tushar, A. H. (2023, April 18). Impacts of cyber bullying on female students in Bangladesh. The Observer. https://www.observerbd.com/news/416075
Rodon, N. J. (2023). Colonial Influence on the Rights of Women in Bangladesh (Doctoral dissertation, Doctoral dissertation, Jahangirnagar University).
Roy, S. (Ed.). (2012). New south Asian feminisms: Paradoxes and possibilities. Zed Books Ltd..
Saxena, C. (2014). REGULATION OF WOMEN’S IDENTITY IN THE COURSE OF NATIONAL FREEDOM STRUGGLE. The Indian Journal of Political Science, 31-36.
Sharlach, L. (2000). Rape as genocide: Bangladesh, the former Yugoslavia, and Rwanda. New Political Science, 22(1), 89-102.
Siddiqua, R. (2024). Challenges Faced by Police Officers in Investigating Cyber Crime: An Exploratory Study in Bangladesh. International Journal of Humanities, Social Sciences and Education. 11. 150-161. 10.20431/2349-0381.1107014.
Takai, A. (2011). Rape and forced pregnancy as genocide before the Bangladesh tribunal. Temp. Int’l & Comp. LJ, 25, 393.
