Introduction and context
For most of its existence, Myanmar has been influenced by an all-powerful military rule, also known as “Tatmadaw”, that started to take over power in the 1950s, despite the country still being a parliamentary democracy until the military coup of General Ne Win in 19623. During the military dictatorship (1962-2011), Myanmar was considered one of the most repressive countries in Asia, where the main concern of the rulers was to maintain “national unity in the face of ethnic diversity” and for this purpose, human rights were “subordinate to these imperatives”. In 1997, the then United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar observed that “the absence of respect for the rights about democratic governance is at the root of all the major violations of human rights in Myanmar in so far as this absence implies a structure of power which is autocratic and accountable only to itself, thus inherently resting on the denial and repression of fundamental rights”. While the repression has been pervasive for the entire population, minorities have been disproportionately affected, due to enrooted reasons of discrimination and institutionalized persecution. Historically, Myanmar has for centuries been marred by divisions and conflict among rival ethnic kingdoms, culminating in a strong Burman nationalism. All the successive military governments carried on further restrictions on freedoms for all people in the country, starting with targeting civilians with the so-called four cuts strategy, which ended up legitimising, with the sole use of force and also due to protracted ethnic conflicts, the military’s outsized role.
For decades, discriminatory policies have been implemented, making life extremely difficult for the entire population, and with compounded effects for minorities, especially the Rohingya, leading to an unrelenting process of “othering”, a cornerstone of this system of oppression.
A critical chance to address these causes of discrimination against minorities has been represented by the 2020 elections, which could have been a tool to finally face the legacy of decades of impunity, enrooted tensions, and a democratic transition. However, once again, the prospect of a democratic transition that could at least lead to a process of resolving internal conflicts was disrupted by the ever-present spectre of military dictatorship, which again fell upon the country with the coup d’état of 1st February 2021.
General Ne Win was a prominent military leader in Myanmar. After the country gained independence from Britain in 1948, he played a significant role in the military’s dominance over the country’s politics. In 1962, he led a military coup that overthrew the government. This marked the beginning of decades of authoritarian rule characterized by political oppression, economic mismanagement, and widespread human rights abuses. Ne Win’s regime centralized power, stifled dissent and implemented socialist policies that crippled the country’s economy. The coup plunged Myanmar into isolation and set the stage for decades of political turmoil and unrest.
The term ‘‘Burman’’ is used to refer to the majority ethnic group in Myanmar, although other authors use the term ‘‘Bama’’ or ‘‘Bamar’’ (the English transliterations of the word in Burmese, the language of the Burman majority and the lingua franca in the country). Burmans constitute the predominant ethnic group in Myanmar, comprising approximately 60% to 70% of the population and residing mainly in the central areas of the nation. Official records from the government indicate the existence of 135 distinct ethnic groups in Myanmar. However, this figure is widely contested by observers, who view it as a “divide et impera” strategy reminiscent of the British colonial era. They argue that it serves to diminish the influence and visibility of significant minority ethnic groups by fragmenting them into smaller segments and discourages unity by grouping disparate communities.
The “four cuts” counter-insurgency policy, initiated in the 1960s and reportedly still implemented, involves “clearance operations” in which civilians are killed and entire villages destroyed, leading to mass displacement (A/HRC/39/64, para. 76). It also involves cutting off the access to food, funds, intelligence, and recruits, aiming to weaken the people’s ability to carry on their operations. This strategy often involved violations such as forced relocation of civilian populations, destruction of villages, and severe restrictions on movement and trade in conflict-affected areas.
The human rights catastrophe
Since its illegal coup on 1 February 2021, the military under the leadership of General Min Aung Hlaing has faced widespread opposition. In a bid to quash this opposition, the military has systematically violated human rights, including committing atrocities. Violence in 2024 reached its deadliest level since the military coup, and 15 million people are facing hunger, and in a deeply alarming development, up to two million are now at risk of famine. Most civilian deaths occurred in indiscriminate airstrikes and artillery attacks by the military, which is steadily losing control. Strikes on schools, places of worship, hospitals, displacement camps, and public gatherings have caused widespread casualties and displacement. At least 1,824 people were killed in 2024, but the true toll is likely much higher, as reliable data is unavailable from many of the hardest-hit areas. In this appalling context, human rights have been systematically restricted and violated, with natural disasters compounding an already dire situation. The military’s disregard for the population was particularly evident in relation to the denial of humanitarian access to assist those impacted by violence and natural disasters. In September 2024, Typhoon Yagi, massive floods, landslides, and heatwaves further affected the population and exacerbated protection concerns and an already dire humanitarian situation; In March 2025, a devastating earthquake hit the country, killing over 3,800 people and damaged or destroyed more than 55,000 homes across multiple regions, including Bago, Kayin, Magway, Mandalay, Southern Shan, Naypyitaw and Sagaing. Families already displaced by years of conflict now face early torrential rains, extreme heat, and rising risk of disease. Nearly 20 million people – more than a third of the population – needed assistance even before the earthquakes.
Human rights of women
Amid systemic repression, women face intersecting challenges rooted in gender inequality, legal gaps, and cultural norms, with entrenched issues affecting their rights, health, and empowerment. Women’s health and bodily autonomy are under constant threat, a reality starkly illustrated by a maternal mortality rate of 240 deaths per 100,000 live births, one of the highest in the region. This figure reflects not only systemic failures in healthcare access, especially in rural and conflict-affected areas, but also the devastating consequences of restrictive laws and ongoing instability. The criminalization of abortion forces many women into unsafe procedures, contributing to 10% of maternal deaths, while limited sexual education and a 20% unmet need for contraception particularly endanger adolescents, whose fertility rate remains high at 16.9%. These challenges are compounded by displacement resulting from military airstrikes and climate disasters like Cyclone Mocha, which have further weakened already fragile health infrastructure and left countless women without prenatal or emergency care. The health crisis is further exacerbated by Myanmar’s struggle with Southeast Asia’s second-highest HIV prevalence, where gender inequality plays a central role. Women’s vulnerability to HIV is heightened by their limited agency to negotiate safe sex, low literacy rates, and exclusion from household health decisions, leaving many exposed to high-risk partners. These health and social vulnerabilities are deeply intertwined with economic marginalization. Women’s participation in the labor force stands at just 63.1%, compared to 85.1% for men, with most women confined to low-wage, informal sectors such as agriculture and domestic work. Meanwhile, the burden of unpaid care work remains largely invisible, tethering women to domestic responsibilities and limiting their economic independence.
Gender-based violence is both a cause and a consequence of these systemic inequalities, persisting amid a culture of silence and impunity. Without specific laws criminalizing gender-based violence, and with limited support services, most cases go unreported or are settled outside the judicial system. Trafficking remains rampant, driven by economic desperation and conflict-induced displacement, and despite the existence of an anti-trafficking law, women and girls continue to be coerced into exploitative work abroad, often with little hope of recourse or protection.
Addressing these interconnected crises requires more than piecemeal reforms; it demands a fundamental dismantling of militarized patriarchy through robust legal changes, grassroots education, and sustained international accountability. However, women from all walks of life in Myanmar have been at the forefront of the pro-democracy movement, leading peaceful protests and providing essential support to communities despite facing detention and widespread sexual violence. Women’s groups have played a vital role in delivering life-saving aid, supporting families of political prisoners, and documenting human rights abuses. The military coup has further galvanized women to challenge patriarchal norms, take on leadership roles, and demand greater inclusion in decision-making. Placing women, especially those from ethnic minorities and rural communities, at the center of recovery and rebuilding efforts is essential.
Rohingya community
The Rohingya, a Muslim minority primarily residing in Rakhine State, have faced decades of systematic discrimination and persecution in Myanmar. This discrimination is rooted in a combination of Burman-centric nationalism, military authoritarianism, and institutionalized legal exclusion, most notably the 1982 Citizenship Law, which effectively rendered the Rohingya stateless and stripped them of basic rights such as freedom of movement, education, and legal protection. The state and society have further marginalized the Rohingya through hate speech, denial of their ethnic identity, and the enactment of discriminatory laws targeting their religious and family life.
This entrenched discrimination culminated in a campaign of mass violence in 2016 and 2017, when the Myanmar military launched brutal operations against Rohingya communities, involving killings, mass rape, torture, arson, and forced displacement. These atrocities were so widespread and systematic that they amounted to genocide risk factors, with a clear intent to destroy the Rohingya as a group. The military’s actions were characterized by the use of sexual violence, destruction of villages, and the denial of citizenship and legal existence, all of which are hallmarks of genocidal intent.
In response to these events, The Gambia filed a case against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2019, accusing Myanmar of violating the Genocide Convention through its actions against the Rohingya. The ICJ has since issued provisional measures ordering Myanmar to prevent acts of genocide and preserve evidence, acknowledging the plausibility of ongoing genocidal acts. More recently, however, the main perpetrators of violence have shifted: as the Arakan Army (AA) gained control of northern Rakhine, home to most of Myanmar’s Rohingya, the AA itself became a key perpetrator, with the Rohingya caught between AA forces and the military. The AA’s use of Rohingya villages as strategic positions led to indiscriminate military attacks, resulting in hundreds of deaths and mass displacement. In early 2024, forced conscription of Rohingya by the military, collaboration between some Rohingya armed groups and the military, and escalating violence from the AA, including abductions, killings, and denial of humanitarian access, further deepened the crisis. Over 65,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh in 2024, facing dire conditions, a lack of registration, and the risk of deportation, while many others attempted perilous sea journeys to Malaysia and Indonesia. With violence ongoing and no safe return possible, the Rohingya remain trapped in a cycle of displacement, insecurity, and humanitarian crisis.
Social and cultural rights
Social and cultural rights, especially freedom of expression, have been severely undermined. The military has arrested over 130 journalists, shuttered at least ten media outlets, and imposed sweeping legal and regulatory restrictions that criminalize dissent, criticism, and even basic reporting. Laws such as the amended Broadcasting Law, Counter-Terrorism Law, and vague executive orders targeting “fake news” and “political criticism” have been used to justify detentions and the closure of independent media. Journalists and ordinary citizens alike face constant surveillance, risk of arrest, and harsh penalties for online activity or public statements, resulting in widespread self-censorship and a dramatic decline in access to reliable information. Myanmar now ranks among the world’s worst countries for press freedom, with the military using legal and extralegal means to silence opposition and control public discourse. This crackdown not only violates international human rights standards but also erodes the foundations of a society, leaving citizens without meaningful avenues for free expression, cultural participation, or access to independent news in a country already marred by violence and gross human rights violations.
Accountability and justice
Calls for accountability and justice in Myanmar have intensified as the country marks four years since the 2021 military coup, with the international community urged to take urgent action against ongoing atrocity crimes. Armed groups opposing the military have also been implicated in abuses, but efforts to hold perpetrators accountable remain limited and inconsistent with international standards.
International justice efforts are gaining momentum: in November 2024, the International Criminal Court (ICC) requested an arrest warrant for Senior General Min Aung Hlaing for crimes against humanity against the Rohingya, with further warrants expected for other military leaders. Human rights organizations are calling on all parties to the conflict to comply with international humanitarian law and on countries to block arms shipments, suspend aviation fuel, and support international justice mechanisms, including universal jurisdiction and hybrid tribunals. The UN Human Rights Council and other bodies are also pushing for stronger cooperation with investigative mechanisms to collect evidence and support future prosecutions.
LGBTQI+ community’s rights
LGBTQ people in Myanmar face pervasive legal, social, and institutional discrimination, rooted in colonial-era laws and reinforced by deep-seated cultural and religious norms. Same-sex sexual activity remains criminalized under Section 377 of the Penal Code, carrying penalties of up to 20 years in prison, and transgender individuals are further targeted under “disguise” provisions of the Police Act, which criminalize gender expression and allow for arbitrary arrest and police extortion. There are no protections against discrimination, no legal recognition of same-sex relationships, and transgender people cannot change their legal gender. Enforcement of these laws has intensified since the 2021 military coup, with frequent arrests, detentions, and reports of violence, humiliation, and even murder of LGBTQ individuals, especially those involved in pro-democracy protests or activism. Police and security forces routinely use these laws to harass, extort, and abuse LGBTQ people, who are often denied access to justice and subjected to degrading treatment in detention. Social stigma is widespread, with many Burmese believing that being LGBT is a karmic punishment for past-life transgressions, leading to family rejection, ostracism, and barriers to employment, education, and healthcare. Despite these challenges, a growing LGBTQ rights movement has emerged, with activists increasingly visible in public life and politics, advocating for decriminalization and equal rights, and participating in the Civil Disobedience Movement against military rule. However, without legal reforms and protection, and amid ongoing repression by the military regime, LGBTQ people in Myanmar continue to be denied basic human rights, including freedom of expression, safety, and dignity, while facing heightened vulnerability in times of crisis and conflict.
Environmental degradation and human rights
Myanmar stands at the intersection of three compounding crises: climate vulnerability, protracted conflict, and systemic human rights violations, creating one of the world’s most complex humanitarian emergencies. As one of the most climate-exposed nations, Myanmar faces intensifying cyclones, catastrophic flooding, extreme heatwaves, and landslides, with coastal and low-lying regions bearing the brunt. Rural communities, which rely on climate-sensitive agriculture, fisheries, and forestry, are particularly vulnerable, as environmental degradation, illegal logging, and unchecked resource extraction exacerbate disaster risks. The military repression has systematically dismantled environmental governance, accelerating deforestation, illegal mining, and the plundering of natural resources.
This toxic convergence is worsening the country’s human rights catastrophe. Climate disasters, such as Cyclone Mocha (2023), have been met with militarized obstruction, as the military blocks life-saving aid to punish dissent, leaving marginalized groups, particularly ethnic minorities and women, to face compounded vulnerabilities. Meanwhile, ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and local resistance groups have stepped into governance voids, providing disaster relief in contested regions, yet these efforts remain fragmented, unable to offset systemic collapse.
A sustainable solution demands urgent, coordinated action: supporting grassroots climate adaptation, imposing targeted sanctions on resource exploitation, and channeling aid through local actors, not the military, to protect Myanmar’s most vulnerable. The crisis in Myanmar is a stark reminder that climate change is not just an environmental issue; it is a threat multiplier for oppression, displacement, and violence, demanding a response as interconnected as the challenges themselves.
Conclusion
Myanmar’s human rights crisis is an ongoing catastrophe fueled by decades of militarized oppression, ethnic persecution, environmental destruction, and systemic impunity. Since the 2021 coup, the military has escalated its campaign of violence, targeting civilians with indiscriminate attacks, weaponizing humanitarian aid, and deepening the suffering of already marginalized groups.
Yet amid this devastation, resistance persists. Women, ethnic communities, journalists, and activists continue to defy repression, documenting atrocities, delivering aid, and demanding justice. The international community, though slow to act, is gradually mobilizing through ICC arrest warrants, ICJ genocide proceedings, and calls for arms embargoes and targeted sanctions. However, legal accountability alone is insufficient. Lasting change requires dismantling the structures of militarized rule, restoring civilian governance, and addressing the root causes of discrimination. The path forward must center the voices of Myanmar’s people: supporting grassroots movements, ensuring humanitarian access, and holding perpetrators accountable through universal jurisdiction and coordinated pressure on the military’s financial lifelines. Environmental degradation, conflict, and human rights abuses are inextricably linked, and solutions must be equally multifaceted. The choice is clear: stand with the people of Myanmar in their fight for justice, and the time for decisive action is now.
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