Introduction
On October 27th, 2025, Cameroon’s Constitutional Council announced that the 92-year-old incumbent President Paul Biya had won the election with 53.66 percent of the vote (HRW, 2025). On November 6th, Biya was sworn in for his eighth term, further extending his presidency which began in 1982 (HRW, 2025). The election triggered protests across the country which were met with repression by state forces and resulted in the killing of a couple of protesters (Akua & Chimtom, 2025). Opposition leaders rejected the results denouncing electoral fraud (Akua, 2025; Njie, 2025a).
The election reveals the extent to which Biya’s entrenched authoritarianism pervades Cameroon’s institutions. The violent response of the government to the mass protests further demonstrates the instability of Cameroon’s politics. This article will touch upon the reactions to the election by Cameroon’s population and opposition figures in politics, while also documenting the human rights violations in the country and the alleged electoral fraud.
Biya’s Authoritarian Rule and the Electoral Context
When the President of the Constitutional Council, Clément Atangana, announced Paul Biya’s victory, many Cameroonians saw the re-election of the only President who had ruled the country for their entire lives (Al Jazeera, 2025a). Biya, the world’s oldest and longest-serving head of state, has ruled Cameroon as the country’s second President since 1982, repealing presidential term limits in 2008 (HRW, 2025). His rule has been characterised by shrinking civic space and the suppression of dissent (HRW, 2025).
The political environment in Cameroon was not free nor fair even before votes were cast. Activists Yérima Djoubaïrou Tchéboa, Ramon Cotta, and Junior Ngombe, as well as the artist Aboubacar Siddiki were all abducted or arrested for criticising the government (Allegrozzi, 2025). Just two months prior to the election, the Constitutional Council barred candidate Maurice Kamto, who had come second in 2018, from participating in the presidential race (Tumanjong, 2025).
The ”Anglophone Problem”
The anglophone western regions of the country have long complained about marginalisation from the francophone-dominated government in Yaoundé, of which Biya is the representative (Sharma, 2025). These ethnolinguistic tensions escalated, and, in 2016, protests broke out demanding equal resources for English-language institutions (Sharma, 2025). These were met with arrests and government-imposed internet blackouts, eventually escalating into an armed struggle with separatist fighters seeking to establish the state of Ambazonia (Kum, 2025; Robert Lansing Institute, 2025; Njie, 2025a). The conflict has killed 7,000 people and displaced over a million (Robert Lansing Institute, 2025). The 2025 presidential election saw separatist forces blocking the local population from participating in the elections through boycotts and lockdowns (Kum, 2025; Sharma, 2025).
Early Declaration of Victory
Cameroon’s opposition leader Issa Tchiroma Bakary, prematurely announced his victory on October 12th, ahead of official results (Tumanjog, et al., 2025). This is not new practice, as Kamto had done the same during the 2018 election before getting arrested (Tumanjog, et al., 2025). Tchiroma claimed to have won with 55 percent of votes according to returns representing 80 percent of voters (Njie, 2025a). Cameroon’s electoral law allows ballot results to be published at individual polling stations, although the final outcome is validated by the Constitutional Council (Hume, 2025). Tchiroma claimed his team pieced together the result thanks to this arrangement (Njie, 2025a).
Tchiroma is a former Minister under Biya who recently distanced himself from the current President and his party (Njie, 2025a). After declaring himself winner, Tchiroma said his victory was “undeniable” and that he and the people of Cameroon would not accept electoral fraud (Njie, 2025a). He accused the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) of refusing to accept the outcome and challenged it to provide evidence that would disprove him (Njie, 2025a).
The Minister of Territorial Administration Paul Atanga Nji together with the CPDM rejected Tchiroma’s claims and accused him of trying to hijack the electoral process (Tumanjog, et al., 2025). Paul Atanga Nji announced that Tchiroma and his “accomplices” would face legal action (Njie, 2025b).
The Aftermath of the Election
The election results were met with suspicion and civil society groups denounced irregularities within the electoral process, such as the existence of deceased voters on electoral lists, unequal distribution of ballot papers and ballot box-stuffing (Al Jazeera, 2025a; Akua, 2025). In Western anglophone regions abstention was high (with a 53 percent turnout) and the highest share of votes went to Biya, with 68.7 percent in the Southwest region and 86.31 percent in the Northwest region (Sharma, 2025). Some see the results in this area as a glaring fraud. Given the violent separatist attempt at boycotting the elections, the high turnout and the outstanding support for Biya seem implausible (Robert Lansing Institute, 2025). Biya and the CPDM have dismissed claims of rigged elections and, accordingly, the Constitutional Council rejected several petitions for insufficient evidence (Al Jazeera, 2025a; Njie, 2025c).
The widespread dissatisfaction and lack of trust with the result culminated in mass protests (HRW, 2025). Crowds got violent, with protesters building roadblocks and ransacked public buildings in certain locations (HRW, 2025). Security forces have reacted using lethal violence and mass arrests of protesters and civilians (HRW, 2025). Police employed tear gas and live ammunition (HRW, 2025). Opposition-led lockdowns have occurred since (Akua & Chimtom, 2025).
Tchiroma called for lockdowns which left many areas deserted following October 27th, particularly in the opposition stronghold cities of Douala, Maroua, and Garoua (Akua & Chimtom, 2025; HRW, 2025). Tchiroma urged citizens to remain at home, close shops, and suspend activities in silent solidarity. Where observed, the lockdown caused economic hardship, with businesses and offices closed and transport services, including intercity routes, suspended (Akua & Chimtom, 2025).
Authorities have detained large numbers of people in connection with the protests and lockdowns. On November 6th, René-Emmanuel Sadi, the Minister of Communication, confirmed that “several hundred” individuals were held (HRW, 2025). A pool of pro bono lawyers reported up to 2,000 detainees, including minors (HRW, 2025). Detainees face charges including “hostility against the homeland,” “revolution,” and “insurrection”, applied indiscriminately and often not connected to protests (HRW, 2025). Lawyers of the arrested protesters denounced limited access to their clients (HRW, 2025).
On October 27th, a 44-year-old plumber was fatally shot in the stomach in Douala by police forces during a protest, and on October 28th, a 15-year-old boy was shot dead outside his home in Bafoussam while dispersing protesters (HRW, 2025). There have been reports of a beating and detention without charge of a 63-year-old man in Douala for a private message expressing political support for Tchiroma (HRW, 2025). René-Emmanuel Sadi acknowledged that several dozen people had died during the protests, stating that investigations were ongoing (HRW, 2025). The situation is in contrast with both Cameroon’s Constitution and its international human rights obligations, which guarantee the rights to life, physical integrity, humane treatment, and freedoms of assembly and expression (HRW, 2025).
International and Domestic Responses
Given the government’s violent and authoritarian response to the protests, internal and external actors spoke out to call for freedom for Cameroonians. On November 9th, Tchiroma demanded the immediate release of all detainees since the election, claiming that “otherwise, the people will find themselves in a situation of self-defense” (HRW, 2025). The call came after Tchiroma fled to the Gambia seeking safety (RFI, 2025a). The government of Banjul confirms it is hosting Tchiroma for “humanitarian reasons, in the spirit of African solidarity, and to ensure his safety” (RFI, 2025a; Al Jazeera, 2025b).
Not all opposition have fled. Veteran opposition figure Anicet Ekane, who was the leader of the African Movement for New Independence and Democracy (MANIDEM), died in custody after being arrested for insurrection and rebellion in Douala on October 24th following his open endorsement of Tchiroma as a candidate (Al Jazeera, 2025c). His family, lawyers, and party reported having observed severe and rapid deterioration in his health while in custody and mentioned that repeated requests for adequate medical care were ignored, hinting at a politically motivated murder (Al Jazeera, 2025c; RFI, 2025b).
Unsuccessful candidate Hiram Samuel Iyodi called for the immediate release and amnesty of all political prisoners, including those from the anglophone regions who protested in 2016, in order to move forward peacefully as a country (Lateu, 2025). Defending the protests, he said “the five million fellow citizens who have been demonstrating for weeks are not all criminals, nor are they simply youths manipulated by politicians”, a message in contrast with those of Paul Atanga Nji (Lateu, 2025). Tomaïno Ndam Njoya, the only female candidate in the election who finished fifth, said the results did not reflect the people’s “sovereign will,”, describing them instead as evidence of a weakened electoral system marked by irregularities, manipulation, and repeated violations of the law (Akua, 2025).
External actors such as the European Union and the United Nations have both expressed concerns over the post-electoral context in Cameroon (EEA Service Press Team, 2025; UN, 2025). They stressed the importance of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law, although they accepted the election’s outcome and recognised Biya as President (EEA Service Press Team, 2025; UN, 2025). They called for restraint by all sides and encouraged investigations into the arrests (EEA Service Press Team, 2025; UN, 2025).
Conclusion
The 2025 election in Cameroon highlights the entrenched authoritarianism of Paul Biya’s regime and the fragility of the country’s democracy. Widespread repression, electoral irregularities, and violent crackdowns on protests demonstrate how state institutions are used to maintain power rather than uphold citizens’ rights. Without reform and accountability, Cameroon’s cycle of violence between citizens, separatists, and government forces, with its consequent human rights abuses is likely to continue, perpetuating instability and undermining the possibility of a good life for Cameroonians.
Bibliography
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