Introduction
Dating back to 1947, the Hindu population has suffered immensely due to political events within Bangladesh. Particularly, during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, Hindus were targeted as Pakistanis blamed them for the succession from Pakistan (Minority Rights Group, 2018). This resulted in targeted executions, rape and other human rights violations committed against Hindu communities. New cycles of communal violence have been ignited within major political events such as national elections, where the Hindu communities have suffered greatly. From threats and violent attacks to the desecration and vandalisation of temples, the safety of the Hindu communities is currently at stake. While the attacks stem from political indifference, the communal discrimination against Hindus is a contributing factor to targeted violence.
The core of this article is to explore and address how political events are affecting minority religious groups in Bangladesh, as well as how their human rights protections are set out. Furthermore, the political landscape is examined from the tenure of Sheikh Hasina to the Mohammed Yunus interim administration as well within the general elections, complementing with the implications for the religious minorities, specifically focusing on the Hindu groups. Lastly, recommendations are provided for a more harmonious path within religious communities as well as for the enhancement of the protection of human rights by governmental actors and other stakeholders alike.
Religious Minorities and Pertinent Human Rights
Bangladesh is a predominantly Sunni Muslim country, where about 91 per cent of the population practices Islam (Hasan, 2025). Minority religious groups include Hindus, the largest minority group comprising around eight per cent, Buddhists, Christians, Ahmadiyya Muslims, Indigenous people, and atheists (Hasan, 2025). While Islam is established as the state religion, under Article 2A of the Bangladesh 1972 Constitution, the State should simultaneously ensure equal opportunity for the practice of minority religions. The Constitution also protects minorities under secularism, meaning that the State should not favour any religion or use religion for political purposes or discriminate or persecute persons based on their religion (Bangladesh Constitution, 1972). The right to profess, practice, or promote any religion as well as the right for any religious communities to establish and maintain their religious institutions is guaranteed under the Constitution. In relation to non-discriminatory political participation, the right is guaranteed under the fundamental rights of the Constitution, protecting an individual’s right to choose and hold political opinions without government coercion or interference (Bangladesh Constitution, 1972).
Despite these constitutional protections, religious minority groups continue to face discrimination in relation to the law, society, and treatment from law enforcement (CSW, 2018). Political unrest has been a common denominator in violence targeted towards minority religions for years. From 2013 onwards, violence and attacks on religious sites as well as properties have been a common occurrence in Bangladesh for minorities. This raises questions of whether the various religious communities can live in harmony within Bangladesh.
Sheikh Hasina’s Administration and Implications
Bangladesh was headed by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, of the Awami League, for 20 years, from stepping into office for the first time in 1996 to 2001, and from 2009 to her ousting on August 5th, 2024 (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025). Hasina’s father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was a prominent nationalist leader, referred to as the “Father of the Nation”, leading Bangladesh to a victorious independence in the 1971 Liberation War and becoming the first president of Bangladesh (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025). Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was also the co-founder and leader of the Awami League, founded in 1949, which gained a majority in the first government of independent Bangladesh, from 1971 to 1975 (Pereira, 2026). After the assassination of Hasina’s father in 1975, the Awami League was out of power for nearly two decades, until in 1996 the Awami League returned to power (Pereira, 2026). Hasina was in exile in India until 1981 after the assassination of her father (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025). Upon her return to Bangladesh, she became the leader of the Awami League, and together with other political parties, she led pro-democratic street protests against the military rule in power. She was quickly known as a national icon in Bangladesh (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025).
While Hasina presented herself as a strong supporter of democracy before being elected, accusations of corruption and the use of repressive authoritarian measures against political opponents, critics, and the media arose during her tenure from 2009 onwards (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025). According to rights groups, an estimated, at least 700 cases of enforced disappearances and hundreds of extra-judicial killings occurred since 2009 (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025). Human rights activists and journalists were targets of attacks, including arrests, surveillance, and harassment (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025). Despite these allegations, Hasina denied all claims of abuse, all while restricting visits by foreign journalists (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025).
In the beginning of 2024, student-led protests for abolishing civil service quotas were sparked, and by the summer of 2024, the protests had transformed into an anti-government movement, referred to as the Monsoon Revolution, as Hasina used the police and security forces to suppress protesters (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025). According to United Nations (UN) human rights investigators, 1,400 people were killed using lethal weapons by the security forces during the weeks of protests resulting in Hasina’s resignation on August 5th, 2024 (Ethirajan & Wong, 2025). In the aftermath of Hasina’s resignation, over 200 people were killed as rioters attacked her supporters, including Hindus, and other ethnic minorities (Hassan, 2025). Shops, homes and places of worship were also targets of attacks by criminals and opposition supporters (Hassan, 2025). However, it has been claimed that these attacks have been motivated by political retribution, mob violence and criminal activities, rather than stemming from religious persecution (Hassan, 2025).
The sincerity of Hasina’s administration’s willingness to protect minorities has been questioned due to the frequent exploitation of pro-Hindu views to receive support from India, while simultaneously failing to act on the systematic issues faced by minorities (Mostofa, 2025). While 3600 attacks on minorities occurred between 2013 and 2021, adjacent judicial trials were never completed. Furthermore, the Awami League has allegedly politicised communal issues by blurring lines between religious and political identities of the Hindu communities (Swadhin, 2024). Elite Hindus in Bangladesh are commonly Awami League supporters; however, most Hindus are not politically involved and rather prioritise security and equality over political affiliations (Swadhin, 2024). Moreover, India has been a strong supporter of Sheikh Hasina’s administration and the Awami League. Since the ousting of Hasina, the Indian media has claimed that there is anti-Hindu sentiment in Bangladesh (Swadhin, 2024). This has raised tensions amongst the Hindu minority and supporters of opposing voices and the Muslim majority (Swadhin, 2024).
Political Landscape Under Muhammad Yunus Interim Government and Implications
The interim government headed by Muhammad Yunus, a Nobel Peace laureate, came into force 72 hours after the ousting of Sheikh Hasina’s government, on August 8th, 2024. Yunus pleaded to restore the independence of the government institutions, which were placed under the powers of the Awami League under Hasina’s rule, including the election commission, the human rights commission, the police, and the judiciary (Human Rights Watch, 2025). Moving towards prioritising respect for human rights and democracy was an additional important cornerstone of Yunus’s reforms (Human Rights Watch, 2025). In line with positive steps towards reform, Yunus invited the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to conduct investigations into the abuses conducted by government forces during the Monsoon Revolution, and he initiated the establishment of various commissions of inquiries within the government institutions, igniting possibilities for reform (Human Rights Watch, 2025). However, not all reforms have come to fruition, as the conduct of the police and security forces remains abusive, paving the way for potential human rights abuses again.
The powerful and politicised security forces have continued with a familiar pattern of abuse and political retaliation, however this time towards perceived supporters of the Awami League (Human Rights Watch, 2025). Minorities, especially Hindus and Ahmadiyya Muslim communities have been the target of attacks conducted by extremist Islamic groups as well as mob violence (Human Rights Watch, 2025). The reforms of an ordinance aimed at promoting freedom of speech, unfortunately, shares similarities with the former law, leading to violations of the human rights (Human Rights Watch, 2025). Worries amongst student leaders and activists have spread about the decreasing pace of reforms being adopted (Human Rights Watch, 2025). The Yunus administration has also pushed for constitutional reforms, and especially alarming is the potential removal of “secularism” from the Constitution. Considering the existing struggles faced by the polarisation of religious communities, especially towards those of minority religions, such a transition could possibly worsen the minorities’ realities in society.
According to the interim government, between August 5th and October 22nd, 2024, at least 88 incidents of communal violence against the Hindu community have occurred, and 70 persons have been arrested. However, Hindu groups have expressed the presence of hundreds of incidents, including vandalism targeted against Hindu businesses, homes, and places of worship (Human Rights Watch, 2025). According to the Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC), in the first half of 2025, at least 258 attacks on minorities occurred. Amongst others these consisted of murders, violence, various forms of targeted attacks, as well as different forms of intimidation and threats (Staff correspondent, 2025).
In the wake of the new year, various brutal murders of individuals belonging to the Hindu community emerged in the approach of the general elections. According to The Rights and Risks Analysis Group, between December 1st, 2025, and January 15th, 2026, at least 15 minority Hindus were brutally murdered by persons belonging to the Muslim majority (Admin, 2026). Concerns regarding the motives of these attacks have risen, as Yunus has dismissed claims of the involvement of any religious angle prior to due and proper investigation (Admin, 2026). Furthermore, the absence of inclusive and participatory elections, where minorities could freely express their will, could be restricted, due to the intimidation faced as targeted attacks against the Hindu minority community take place. Ahead of the election, attacks on religious minorities, amongst others, have increased, showcasing the interim government’s inability to protect fundamental human rights (Saha, 2026).
General Elections and the Future of Religious Minorities
The Bangladesh General Elections were held on February 12th, 2026, leading to a victorious landslide win for the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) (Das & Hasnat, 2026), gaining more than a two-thirds majority, specifically 209 seats (Fraser & Limaye, 2026). Jamaat-e-Islami came second in line, with 68 seats (Das & Hasnat, 2026). The new Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Tarique Rahman, has promised to restore democracy, stabilise the economy, including bringing down food prices, creating jobs for the young population, and rebuilding restrained ties with India (Fraser & Limaye, 2026). However, concerns remain, whether these promises will be delivered due to the allegations of corruption and human rights abuses within its last tenure in government in the early 2000s (Fraser & Limaye, 2026).
In conjunction to the general elections, a referendum was held on the adoption of the July Charter, which includes the proposed institutional and political reforms drafted under Yunus’s administration. The referendum resulted in a 60.26 per cent approval by voters, paving way for restoring democracy in Bangladesh (Shamim, 2026). The first time in almost two decades, Bangladesh held fair and genuine elections, due to allegations of hampered polls during Hasina’s regime (Kean, 2026). This election stood as a major test to democracy in Bangladesh and has been even referred to as the “biggest democratic process of 2026” by the European Union election observers (Al Jazeera Staff & News Agencies, 2026).
The Awami League and its student branch, Bangladesh Chhatra League, were banned from engaging in political activities by a decision made by the interim government, depriving millions of its supporters the right to vote in practice (Kean, 2026). The two main contenders within the general elections were:
- Bangladesh National Party (BNP), a centre-right party, which has historically been the main political opposition party to the Awami League and is headed by Tarique Rahman, a successor of a Bangladeshi political dynasty. While BNP has a wide network of activists and public support its reputation has suffered over the years due to allegations of corruption and extortion by local activists (Kean, 2026).
- Jamaat-e-Islami (Jamaat), a right-wing/far-right party, is Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party and headed by Shafiqur Rahman. Jamaat and its student led wing alliance, the National Citizens Party (NCP), played a big role in the Monsoon protests (Kean, 2026). While Jamaat holds a strict and literalist form of Islam, it has gained strong support especially amongst younger people (Kean, 2026).
The representation of minorities within the newly elected parliament remains low. Out of the four minority representatives elected, all part of the BNP, two are from the Hindu minority and the other two are from the Buddhist minority (Alam, 2026). While being a member of the ruling party is a positive sign for the minority elects, the minute share of their representation remains alarming from a minority rights point of view. The promotion of minority rights with such a small share of seats will be a challenge. However, the rebuilding of ties within India is an effective step towards the protection of the Hindu minority; as the past has shown, India has been a major supporter of the Hindu community’s rights within Bangladesh. Now that Awami League is out of the picture, the violence carried out towards the Hindu community, perceived as supporters of the Awami League could be on the decline. However, this remains to be seen, as mentioned before, given that the attacks towards minority groups have not solely been politically motivated but also based on communal violence.
The BNP removed itself from the long-standing alliance it had with Jamaat-e-Islami, with analysts suggesting that this could signal BNP’s will to position itself within a more secular ideology rather than an ideology strongly monolithic and based on Islam (FP Explainers, 2026). Additionally, Rahman has expressed promises to promote religious harmony within Bangladesh (FP Explainers, 2026). As BNP succeeded in securing a vast majority of the seats, the government will be formed by BNP, resulting in Jamaat becoming the main opposition. Jamaat has been the strongest advocate for the implementation of Sharia law and the removal of secularism from the Constitution. Pushing through this reform will be challenging for Jamaat, especially if BNP takes a more secular stance within its politics. From the point of view of religious minorities, keeping secularism within the Constitution offers them protection and the freedom to practice their own religion. The following months will truly reveal the consequences of BNP’s electoral win on minority rights and safety in society.
Recommendations
Recommendation 1: Structural reforms
The government of Bangladesh is recommended to undergo vital reforms, including the establishment of a clear separation of powers. Establishing an independent criminal justice system is pivotal in ensuring the judiciary is not used for political motivations and suppression of opposing voices. Additionally, to bring a stronger voice for minorities, the integration of a bigger proportion of minorities within government institutions, especially within the parliament, is suggested.
Reinstating the human rights commission would aid in holding Bangladesh accountable for human rights violations taking place, as well as promoting minority rights protection. Furthermore, legislative instruments placing stronger protections on minority communities are recommended, as well as ensuring violations of minority rights are investigated and prosecuted to the end. Recalling the political agendas used within the security forces realm and the lethal consequences of its actions, it is recommended to revisit and possibly remove the impunity enjoyed by security forces.
Recommendation 2: Organisational empowerment
To date there has been limited advocacy for the Hindu community in Bangladesh. Therefore, the collective organisation of the minority group is suggested for the minority to be heard and seen. A collective voice is stronger and can lead to more effective support for the Hindus’ rights. Furthermore, international human rights actors, such as human rights organisations, should be granted access to conduct independent investigations of violations in Bangladesh. The presence of international human rights organisations could further strengthen the voice of the minorities, bring awareness to human rights violations taking place, and lead to pressure put on the government to act on minority rights protection.
Conclusion
Hindus, as the largest religious minority in Bangladesh, have faced a vast share of the backlash within political upheaval in Bangladesh, from targeted attacks to vandalism towards religious sites and businesses. The violence is commonly downplayed as simply politically motivated, disregarding the communal angle within. While Bangladesh’s Constitution guarantees the rights to freedom of religion and thought, and places protections against the use of religion as a tool within political agendas, the guarantee of these human rights do not mirror the reality in Bangladesh.
The scale of insecurity and treatment of the Hindus under different governmental regimes differs; however, the underlying adequate and effective protection of their rights as a minority group seems to be absent. As under Hasina’s administration, on the surface, Hindu groups could be seen as receiving protection, however, the judicial protection of their rights and the ability to address root causes of discrimination as a minority group were absent. On the other hand, during Yunus’s interim government’s tenure, Hindus faced clear violations of their freedom of religion and the fundamental right to life, creating grave insecurity within the Hindu community. With the newly elected government, possibilities linger for Hindus to receive better protection. This would, however, call for major changes within the governmental institutions, recognising the Hindu minority as an equal part of Bangladeshi society and requiring wide empowerment, amplifying the voices of the minority.
The examination of the political landscape within Bangladesh and its implications for the Hindu minority raises further questions regarding what the motivations of the attacks on religious minorities are. Moreover, the root causes of minority discrimination need to be addressed to provide equal status for minority groups, such as the Hindus, in Bangladesh’s society. The will to move away from the instrumentalisation of religious faith in political movements is pivotal in creating harmony and peace amongst various communities in Bangladesh.
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