Introduction
In Georgia, the fight for LGBTQIA+ rights has entered one of its darkest chapters yet. The ruling party, Georgian Dream, has intensified its attacks on queer communities, recently pledging to ban Pride marches, rainbow flags, and any public display of non-heteronormative identities. While the proposed law has gained attention in recent weeks, this crackdown is nothing new; it is part of a broader pattern of systemic homophobia and repression that has been building for years.
Since coming to power in 2012, the Georgian Dream government has consistently scapegoated queer people, portraying them as a threat to “traditional values” and national identity. In late 2024, the Parliament of Georgia passed a anti-LGBTQIA+ bill that severely restricts the freedom of expression and association for queer communities. Now, with the 2025 legislative proposals targeting symbolic acts such as waving rainbow flags or marching for Pride, the state’s homophobic agenda has become even more visible.
This open hostility towards LGBTQIA+ people is not an isolated policy shift. It is happening alongside growing authoritarianism, police violence against peaceful protesters, and shrinking civic space. Georgia, once seen as a democratic success story in the region, is now moving further away from the European values it claims to uphold. As democratic standards collapse, vulnerable communities, particularly queer people, are being pushed further to the margins.
This article aims to explore how queer communities have been repeatedly targeted by the ruling party as part of a broader strategy to suppress dissent and control public space in recent years. It will also assess the human rights implications of these developments, drawing attention to Georgia’s international obligations and the dangerous consequences of using anti-LGBTQIA+ rhetoric as a political weapon.
May 17th, 2013: The Beginning of Violence
On May 17th, 1990, the World Health Assembly of the World Health Organization approved the International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, which no longer listed homosexuality as a medical diagnosis. Since then, May 17th has been recognised as the International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia, and Biphobia (IDAHOT). The day is meant to raise awareness about lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people, and to push for public policies that protect their rights. But in Georgia, IDAHOT became known for violence rather than celebration.
OC Media, ‘Georgian PM Rails against Liberal West at Far-Right Budapest Conference’ (OC Media, 26 April 2024) https://oc-media.org/georgian-pm-rails-against-liberal-west-at-far-right-budapest-conference/ accessed 3 May 2025.
The events of May 17th, 2013, remain one of the most violent and symbolic moments in Georgia’s recent history of homophobia. On that day, a small group of queer activists gathered in central Tbilisi to celebrate IDAHOT. The peaceful demonstration aimed to raise awareness and call for equal rights. Instead, it was met with violence.
Thousands of counter-protesters, many of them led by Orthodox clergy, stormed the area. They smashed through police lines, shouted slurs, and called for the “cleansing” of queer people from the country. Footage from the day showed priests attacking activists with wooden stools and belts. Buses meant to evacuate the LGBTQIA+ participants were surrounded, rocked violently, and vandalised. Several people were injured, both physically and psychologically. Many were forced to flee in fear.
The government’s response was passive and deeply disappointing. Despite having information about the threats and the scale of the counter-demonstration, the police failed to protect the activists. No senior officials were held responsible, and only a few attackers faced any consequences. The message was clear, in Georgia, queer lives could be threatened in public without punishment. Shortly after, the Georgian Orthodox Church declared May 17th a new holiday, the Day of Family Sanctity. Since then, ultra-right groups have used this day to gather in the centre of Tbilisi, dressed in traditional clothing, holding crosses, icons, and sometimes even bringing their children. These gatherings often feature hate speech and discriminatory rhetoric directed at queer people, turning the day into a display of nationalism and exclusion rather than family or faith.
May 17th, 2013, was not just a violent episode. It was a turning point that showed how deeply rooted homophobia is in certain parts of Georgian society, often fueled by the government’s actions and rhetoric, how closely religion is tied to political power, and how little will there is to protect minority rights. It exposed the failure of the state, not only to uphold basic freedoms but to separate itself from radical and conservative influences. This day marked the beginning of a long period of state-supported homophobia, which has only intensified under the Georgian Dream government.
Since then, the LGBTQIA+ community and their supporters have been forced to observe IDAHOT more quietly, often in private or semi-secret events, but even these modest gatherings are met with violence and threats from ultra-nationalist groups. The violence of 2013 never really ended; it simply evolved into something more systematic and political.
Pride Festival after 2013
The violence of May 17th, 2013, did not stop the LGBTQIA+ movement in Georgia, but it marked a turning point. From that moment on, Pride would no longer be just a march. It
RFE/RL, ‘US, Amnesty Demand Georgia Ensure Tbilisi Pride Participants’ Safety’ (RFE/RL, 18 June 2019) https://www.rferl.org/a/us-amnesty-demand-georgia-ensure-tbilisi-pride-safety/30007704.html accessed 3 May 2025.
became a test of democracy, a confrontation between citizens demanding dignity and a State too afraid or too unwilling to protect them.
In 2019, one of the LGBTQIA+ organisations, Tbilisi Pride, announced the first Tbilisi Pride March. It took six years for Tbilisi Pride to return to the streets with a “dignity march”. Organisers had announced a week-long programme of advocacy, visibility, and community. However, from the very beginning, the government showed scant willingness to defend the right to assembly. Interior Ministry officials warned that a public Pride march could not be safely held. Far-right groups began issuing threats and mobilising openly. The Georgian Orthodox Church also issued a warning against Tbilisi Pride, calling LGBTQIA+ people the bearers of “sodomite sin” and demanding the government not to allow the Pride March.
The time and location of the Pride march were known, so when the activists arrived, they were met by radical hate groups and priests who declared they would not allow the gathering. Under pressure, the organisers were forced to cancel the public march and hold a symbolic action in secret, outside the Ministry of Interior, surrounded by the riot police. What was meant to be a moment of public pride became a covert act of resistance. While it was historic in its own way, the fact that the queer community had to hide to be safe spoke volumes.
Things further escalated in 2021. Tbilisi Pride had planned to hold its march on July 5th, but that morning, several groups of violent individuals, far-right movements, and the Georgian Orthodox Church organised a demonstration aimed at preventing the march from taking place later that day. The demonstration started in the morning hours and very quickly broke into a violent assault on journalists and peaceful supporters.
The mob also broke into the office of Tbilisi Pride and vandalised the office. Attacks were perpetrated against several other civil society offices. Journalists were amongst the primary targets; over 50 journalists and camera operators were attacked, and some were dragged through the streets. One of them, cameraman Lekso Laskarava, was beaten so severely that he later died. Once again, the government failed to act. No high-level officials resigned, and no meaningful investigation followed. The former Prime Minister, Irakli Gharibashvili, blamed organisers for “provoking” violence and called the event unacceptable to Georgian society. The international community condemned the authorities for emboldening far-right violence by refusing to protect marchers and failing to hold the attackers accountable.
In 2022, Tbilisi Pride organisers moved most events indoors under increased security measures. They planned a few concerts and discussions, and the Pride Fest was held in Lisi Wonderland, far from the city centre. The organisers decided to avoid public polarisation and tensions during the process of European integration, not to hold the march, and to allow all events to take place indoors
That year, for the first time in a while, the events were not mobbed, but they still took place under the constant threat of violence. Far-right supporters gathered on Rustaveli Avenue, where they burned the flags of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union (EU) and tore apart the rainbow flags. Political leaders, as usual, remained silent. Only the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia released a statement condemning violence of any kind and calling on the groups opposing Pride week to adhere to the law, follow the rightful demand of the police, and not exceed the limits of the right to assembly and manifestation as permitted by the law. Police presence was more visible, but not in a way that made people feel supported or safer. Pride was allowed to happen, but barely.
Pride week in 2022 was a potential stepping-stone for enhancing the protection of LGBTQIA+ rights in Georgia, but in 2023, the government once again demonstrated how easily any progress could be reversed. Once again, Pride fest was set to be held at Lisi Wonderland, in a field far from the city centre, but far-right groups attacked the location before the event even began, smashing equipment, tearing down flags, and threatening organisers. Videos showed them walking freely while police stood by, even though they had previously promised to protect the event.
Yet again, the government claimed it could not guarantee safety. The Pride organisers had no choice but to cancel the event. The police did nothing to stop the mob. What was especially alarming, however, was the silence of the ruling party leaders. Their refusal to condemn the violence only reinforced the sense that the State sees LGBTQIA+ rights as expendable. It should also be noted that in 2023, the Georgian Parliament tried to pass a law on “foreign agents”, granting increased control over the media and non-governmental organisations. The bill passed its first reading but was withdrawn after several days of violent protests outside the parliament building.
In 2024, the cycle repeated, but there wasn’t even a pretence of safety this time. Organisers decided ahead of time not to hold any public event, one of the reasons being the pre-election period, which would be full of physical violence encouraged by the government and rhetoric filled with hate and hostility. The entire Pride week was reduced to closed-door screenings, panels, and support meetings with no flags, no parade, and no celebration.
Each of these years, the State had the tools to defend peaceful assembly, which the Georgian Constitution guarantees, yet it chose not to. The police could have intervened, but they did not. Government officials could have condemned hate groups, but they stayed silent or blamed the victims. And so, Pride in Georgia not only became a test of courage for the
Civil Georgia, “Pride Month in Georgia to Pass Without Physical Events Due to Pre-Election Climate,” Civil.ge, 14 June 2024, https://civil.ge/archives/612869.
LGBTQIA+ community but also a mirror reflecting the weakness of the country’s democratic institutions.
What began as an annual call for dignity is now a symbol of a wider decline, a state that cannot or will not protect minority groups, a political elite that uses silence as a weapon, and a society where violence is rewarded with impunity. Georgia’s LGBTQIA+ community has never stopped resisting, but the space in which they can do so safely has grown smaller with each passing year.
2024-2025: Turning Hate Into Law
In late 2024, the Georgian Dream government took a dangerous step further by turning years of political homophobia into law. In October, the Parliament of Georgia passed a new bill that severely restricts LGBTQIA+ rights, introducing one of the most repressive legal frameworks for queer communities in Georgia. The law, backed by the ruling party and far-right allies, bans what is vaguely defined as the “promotion of non-traditional sexual relations”, including public events, educational materials, and media content that depicts or supports LGBTQIA+ people. It also restricts access to legal gender recognition, blocks discussions of sexuality in schools, prohibits adoption by same-sex couples, and restricts the right to the freedom of expression and assembly for queer people. The legislation also declares May 17th as a public holiday – a day of family sanctity.
In recent years, the Georgian Dream party has adopted policies and laws that are similar to those of Russia. This new law echoes the infamous “gay propaganda” law introduced in Russia in 2013. Georgian officials claimed it was needed to protect traditional family values but its real purpose is clear: to silence queer voices, erase queer visibility, and shift public discourse even further to the right. The ruling party presented the bill as part of its electoral agenda, pushing it just before the 2024 elections to appeal to conservative voters and religious groups.
The Speaker of the Parliament, Shalva Papuashvili, signed the bill into law despite ongoing protests and warnings from human rights groups. President Salome Zurabishvili, who had been critical of the government, refused to sign the law, but the Parliament overruled her veto. The law came into effect about a month after the official results of the rigged elections. Since the law was passed, the atmosphere in Georgia has become even more hostile for LGBTQIA+ people, because this law is more than just a document, it is a political message that queer lives are not welcome or defended in public spaces. This bill placed Georgia even further from the democratic and pluralistic society it once aspired to be.
In April 2025, the parliament announced its next move. Shalva Papuashvili announced that a new bill would soon be introduced to ban Pride marches, rainbow flags, and all “LGBTQIA+ related symbols”. The bill would be reviewed by the parliament’s Human Rights Committee. The full text of the bill is not public yet, but initial reports confirm that it aims to ban public marches, rallies, and even displays of rainbow imagery near schools, religious buildings, or government institutions. If passed, it would criminalise peaceful protest and symbolic expressions, pushing queer visibility out of the public sphere entirely.
The rhetoric surrounding the bill is familiar: “defending traditional values”, “protecting children”, and “avoiding public provocation”, but these justifications are political cover for what is essentially a legalised erasure of queer identity. The Georgian government is not only tolerating hate but also codifying it.
What makes the situation even more absurd is that the Pride parade, in its true form, has never actually taken place in Georgia. It has been cancelled year after year due to threats, attacks, and state inaction. And yet, instead of protecting a right that has never been realised, the government is now attempting to outlaw it entirely, banning the mere right to freedom.
Conclusion
Over the past decade, Georgia has shifted from passive tolerance of homophobia to active institutionalised repression of queer communities. What began as silence has transformed into a legislative assault. The State has enacted laws that dehumanise LGBTQIA+ people, legitimise discrimination, and empower far-right groups to act without consequences. Through these measures, citizens are being stripped of their fundamental rights to freedom of expression, identity, peaceful assembly, and equal protection before the law.
Each Pride march that was cancelled, each rainbow flag torn down, each activist harassed, detained, or attacked. These are not isolated incidents. They are deliberate acts within a broader pattern of democratic backsliding. Georgia is not just witnessing a culture war, but the slow erosion of its constitutional and international legal obligations. This is not only a moral and political failure of the Georgian government but also a legal one. A state cannot claim to seek EU integration while ignoring the most basic principles of human rights law. By criminalising peaceful protest, symbolic expression, and identity itself, Georgia is breaching its own constitution and its commitments under binding international treaties. These violations demand more than statements of concern, they require scrutiny, accountability, and consequences.
It was never a question of whether queer Georgians would stand up, they always have, despite fear, violence and silence. The real question is whether the Georgian government will continue to violate the very rights it claims to protect and continue to legislate hatred in the name of traditions. As long as peaceful assembly is criminalised and freedom of expression is treated as provocation, democracy in Georgia will remain incomplete. The law should be a shield for the vulnerable, not a weapon against them, and until that changes, justice will remain out of reach for Georgia’s LGBTQIA+ community.
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